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THE END OF THE EMPLOYMENT RIGHTS (By Jorge Rendon Vasquez)


Professor Emeritus at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Peru examines how workers no longer enjoy the benefits that gave them the law, be only "machines" in the service of business. Towards

the end of the eighties, the Peruvian workers enjoyed a set of social rights that allowed them a standard of living to rise, despite the ravages of inflation for that five astronomical.

The rights march had started with the eight-hour day, ripped the oligarchic government of José Pardo, in January 1919 with a historic strike. Since then, the painful and constant action of the workers, answered by employers and governments with a systematic persecution, imprisonment, torture and, in many cases, the deaths of union members, was leaving as a new social balance . With the government

General Juan Velasco Alvarado, the table of labor rights, individual, collective and social security, expanded considerably, which increased workers' purchasing power and pushed the growth of domestic production.

The counter of entrepreneurs started with the government of Morales Bermudez from August 1975 but was stopped with the 1979 Constitution.

resumed in 1990 with the election program of the candidate for President of the Republic Mario Vargas Llosa, which plainly intended to eliminate the majority of social rights, and submit the labor force market rules, applying the guidelines of the IMF and World Bank. Trying to defend themselves, the workers voted in the second round by the rival candidate, Alberto Fujimori, who, thanks to them, won. But Fujimori did not keep his word and, instead, accepted the support of employers, who had backed the Nobel Prize now, and its neoliberal agenda and versatile. The left rule and social rights began to fall between August 1990 and December 1991 with almost unanimous consent of the parliamentary groups. That period is the Legislative Decree 728 which reorders the rules relating to employment contracts for employers.

But as anti-labor campaign was not as fast that employers demanded, Fujimori, driven by them and with the active participation of the military leadership ventured to give the coup of April 1992. Then, employers and their nominees and the control of the state workers took them the rest of their most important social rights. Job security declined, freedom of association, the right to collective bargaining by industry, the eight-hour day and forty-eight weeks, and overtime payment, the equity in the company, the powers of employer to extend the hours of work, commute to work, get the rest on Sunday, and sanctions were extended, was generalized hire workers with the "services" and outsourcing, etc. etc. .. Economically shirk this all workers part of their purchasing power and transferred to its business and profits. Dictatorships are implanted for that.

After Fujimori's flight to Japan in November 2000, the two governments were reported following the leaders of the trade unions 'social partnership' as a procedure for recovering the lost social rights. Naively hopeful, union leaders were to sit at the table of the National Council of Labour. None wanted to hear the voice of common sense that employers would shout never consent to lose there, they had been imposed during the Fujimori government. Six years later, those private conversations out a draft Labour Act with lively applause from Labour ministers and officials. All of them said proudly that he had been adopted by consensus 85% of the articles.

Only in the Working Committee of Congress, the happy project could be known by those who had not participated in its drafting. The union leaders had agreed on by consensus by almost all the norms laid down by the government and parliament of Fujimori.
Project
resistance came from a group of leaders union and some lawyers engaged in defending workers. Part of this campaign were my observations point to the articles of the Draft harmful to workers, in a study of forty pages that could not be refuted.

was so aberrant recognition of anti-labor legislation of the decade of Fujimori containing the project that many congressmen refused to process it and got stuck between the Working Committee and the House of Congress since 2007. However, the danger was not averted.

In August this year, the new Chairman of the Working Committee said it would approve the draft Labour Law and ordered his aides File rescued. The union leaders expressed their approval at a meeting held in the auditorium José Pardo y Aliaga, 22 October, before a boisterous group of workers who expect to be replaced in state agencies and were unaware that they had gathered. Again, some corporate lawyers invited the Congress Working Committee and avoided the presence of union leaders and labor lawyers disagree with the Project.

While ignoring the meaning of a general law, any person may notice that this project approved by Congress, back labor rights to workers caught its provisions will take about twenty to thirty years. It is also clear that the restoration of those rights should have started long ago with the change in law that removes them.

The President of the Congress Working Committee member, it seems, the Nationalist Party. Is this the position of this party, other than their proposal for the 2011 elections, released a few days, or such representative acting on their own moved from the shadows for a group?


Article published in the newspaper La Primera, Saturday, October 30, 2010

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UNIT FOR THE SAME WAY OF DEFEATS


The Left continues living back in this great universe of workers and young students who can not find a place in their ranks or identify with a message that does not. As shown in 2nd photo. Meeting (10/23/1910) the public, in their vast majority, is made by people vastly greater. The board, as well. This picture is worth a thousand words. There is one left that still considers the electoral participation as the main form of struggle, but even so, he can do well. A left that does not take seriously the representation of all workers, is suicide. A left that is not renewed, is destined to die. Exists only for the naive hope. And faith in unprincipled alliances is already being defrauded in the case of Susana Villaran, with the near triumph of Social Force in Lima, but with the proposed shift to the right and the exclusion of the left.

THE REAL STATE OF THE WORKING CLASS

There are four plants in Peru recognized: General Confederation of Workers of Peru (CGTP), Confederation of Workers of Peru (CTP), Workers' Autonomous Federation of Peru (CAT) and Confederation of Workers (CUT). But none of them can now proclaim itself as the defender of the rights of all workers. They are stagnant and immobilized by the triumph of neoliberalism and its fragmentation strategy of the working class.

During the ten years of Fujimori, fell by 76.3% the number of collective agreements. That is already a sufficient indicator that shows the infeasibility of the process under certain conditions. Currently, only 3% of employees are union members, while in 2001 was 5.2% in 1998, 7.7%, according to the Ministry of Labour records. The ILO estimates that 8% of the economically active population (EAP) is unionized. What that means is that 92% do not belong to a labor union.

We are far from the conditions in the national strike July 19, 1977, when the 30% of the Economically Active Population (PEA) was integrated into trade unions and high labor organization (CGTP) controlled 80% of these groups.

the past two decades, widespread outsourcing. That is, the contract through a third party, who do entrepreneurs and large corporations. So employment is temporary, but will never be safe, constant, returns, etc. Under the dictatorship of Fujimori and Montesinos were created more than twenty forms of employment which an employer may avoid their obligations to their workers, such as retirement contributions, social security, holidays and maternity leave. These formulas are also circumvent the eight-hour work accident insurance, burial rights and Sabbath.

Ten years after the dictator Alberto Fujimori was ousted by popular uprising, the legacy he left behind, in the neoliberal line precarious the rights of the working class has been ongoing for the past three democratic governments. " The much-vaunted "economic recovery of Peru" and the promotion of foreign investment are not based solely on the reduction of tariff rates in the disappearance of the state of the economy, but volatilization of labor rights.

However, the vast majority of working population under outsourcing contracts, is made by people under 25 years. What we see in many workplaces where unions are still present, is that unionized workers (who are a minority) are indifferent to the awful drama of recruits. There exists no class solidarity, but discrimination.

INVISIBLE YOUTH TO THE ELECTORAL TACTICS OF THE LEFT

ONPE figures show, the young voting population sum 5'437, 419 (under 29) that is 28% of the voting population nationwide. According to the INEI and Organization International Labour Organization (ILO), 723 000 there are four million people younger than 29 years in the economically active population (EAP), approximately 31% of the labor force in Peru.

Metropolitan Lima only the unemployment rate among 15 to 24 years was 16.8%. And there are young people who choose to create their own jobs. Increasingly, those who, from age 20, start their projects.
"In Peru, the youth population is defined as persons between 15 and 29, according to law No. 27802 of the National Youth Council (CONAJU)." Well, in our country's youth represent 28.5% (7'442, 641 youth) of the national population census by the INEI in 2005. According to the ILO, in 2009, the highest proportion of unemployed persons is formed by young people. And as acknowledged by the JNE, more than six million young people nationwide exercise their right to vote in the upcoming 2011 elections.

So young workers are at an orphanage of political representation. Its leaders, when they arise, their days are numbered for expulsion. Detached from their workplaces, there is also a party to incorporate them into political activity. And if you go in search of the parties "actually existing" find no place to develop this activity.

IF CIVIL CONSTRUCTION ISSUE

The Guild of Construction, led by Mario Huaman, claiming to represent 110 000 workers. There is certainly a flat increase in employment in this sector, as the construction industry flourished under the government of Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) who through the program "My House" prompted massive apartment buildings and houses in Lima and provinces . According to official figures, the sector doubled its current dynamics in the APRA government, which amounted to "My Home" other programs, construction, between August 2006 and December 2009, about 112.744 houses and apartments. . The growth of the sector was reinforced with sports infrastructure, hospital and road in Lima and Callao.

But common criminals gangs led from the prison, death threats require employers to pay 2 percent of the cost of the work, which would mean between 20 thousand and 200 thousand dollars. Another requirement is the payment of special bonuses "industrial peace" or compulsory recruitment of "ghost workers" who do not attend to work, but they charge an average $ 550 monthly. The workers also are blackmailed by the compulsory payment of $ 12 weekly, and who refuses to comply with the "tax" is killed. In the last six months of 2009, an estimated mafias employers and employees claimed one million 400 thousand dollars.

What we really mean this, is that a significant proportion of young workers in construction is at the mercy of gangs and that the union is not a valid reference. It also tells us something else: that if the general secretary Mario Huaman would be proposed to represent their sector in the electoral stage, would have serious difficulties. This crisis of electoral representation is multiplied in other employment sectors, such as SUTEP, estimated its members in number of 80 000, the National Federation of Textile Workers of Peru 4,000, the Union of Teachers in Higher Education in Peru (SIDESP) with 1,680 members and the Union of Telephone Workers with 1,500, etc.. It shows up in the gears, they are not there all that should be and that a large percentage of the EAP, especially younger ones, suffer from the syndrome of depoliticization. Demonstrated: the union leadership does not guarantee electoral success.

SEARCH UNIT LEFT ONLY WHEN ELECTIONS ... ...

The traditional left parties have had sufficient time and sufficient to drive formula. The massive vote for Ollanta Humala, 2006, given a warning, as was the expression of segments of voters looking for a single candidate against neoliberalism. From 2006 until today, Ollanta has demonstrated its political weaknesses to the maximum extent indistinguishable from the right in many ways. But even with the limitations of an incompetent in speaking, ideology and controversy, it was a new face, a young figure, compared with recycled faces of "the usual suspects." And see the results in the first round:

Javier Díez-Canseco - Socialist Party of Peru: 0,417% (60,955 votes)
Alberto Moreno - New Left Movement: 0.232% (33,918 votes) Susana Villaran
- Coordination Descentralista: 0,520% (76,106 votes)
Ollanta Humala - Union for Peru: 25,685% (3'758 .258 votes)

Is it possible, then, that the left persists in the hasty improvisation pre-election and the perpetuation gerontocracy of charge? There is a well-worn path of defeat that is to re-edit again for stubborn fools, without the slightest self-criticism or amendments. Now, doors in 2011, hastened the pace and want to patch the huge forados of our actions, big black holes where the left has not wanted to be present. What will happen? ... It is foreseeable, nor with the wider unity we have a chance to jump the fence become the government, because that was planted before now we harvesting. Never too late to change, say the sages, even to do something decent by 2011 and serve for 2016, and when the old dinosaurs of bureaucracies annuities are relieved by a new generation willing to rebuild and recover organizations wasted space from 80 '. Journal

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In the mouth the fish dies: Vargas Llosa is recognized as "committed writer "... WITH THE RIGHT NUMBER

Peru 21 a good relationship. The 2010 Nobel spoke with French daily Le Monde on the surprise caused him to get the award.
"I was convinced that a liberal writer who stated he had no opportunity to receive the Nobel. That's why we never thought would get, that I was too controversial, "the Peruvian novelist, who in November issued Celtic's dream, his last literary work.
The author of the Hero said he hoped the prize collection will resonate in the politics of South America.
"That is why milito and fought for decades in my newspaper articles each fortnight. I have always fought the authoritarianism of the left and right "
, said MVLL.

Renowned writer, Nobel sixth Latin America,
said that although there are still "huge problems", our continent is "well-oriented." "Only Cuba remains a dictatorship, and only a few 'semi-dictatorships' and' Venezuela (Hugo) Chavez and Nicaragua," he added.

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recently appeared "popular uprising" (October-November)

colleagues, friends and colleagues Insurgency The new issue of People's Liberation Movement's body July 19 (ML-19), corresponding to October-November, appeared on the March for Gas October 12. This event has sold more than half of individuals, so you have to hurry. We will be selling in the following demonstrations, mass rallies and events, but if there are orders, write in this way. READ AND SPREAD
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NOBEL PARTY AND INTELLECTUAL CAMALEÓNICA

The intellectual chameleon is a kind that abounds in the literary world combined and uneven Peru. We can draw a parallel with the fatal inheritance of caste submissive and traitors who allied themselves with the English conquerors as to preserve their privileges. From Felipillo Pumacahua up, survival status was to demonstrate loyalty to the oppressor. Not in vain Tupac Amaru II had to battle against Indian armies and curacas "thoroughbred" who accused him of being of mixed race and have conspired against the king.

Creoles also existed under the Chilean invasion sided "peace without preconditions," as long as the war of resistance did not compromise their interests. The double-sided, double-talk, were eerily similar to sanity and weight, compared to the rantings of radical and maximalist exalted. Who chose to survive on his knees was considered "smarter" than he would rather die standing. This dichotomy recurrent in our wars, is also manifest in the battle of ideas and the cumbersome field of intellectual production. Mario Vargas Llosa recently won the Nobel Prize for literature and we can not deny the right to joy to those who always took communion with his ideas. The reactionaries, neo-liberals, capitalists and their hangers of all kinds, why they cheer. Also men and women of good faith are not obliged to embrace the socialist cause and obey only his literary taste. What is surprising is that those who until recently said fight, now make an ominous break in their criticism to recognize "honestly" the triumph of an organic intellectual of savage capitalism. This attitude has nothing consistent chameleon and a lot of interest. ANECDOTES

DESPITE THE STARS

I come to a point where the personal anecdotes are for illustration. Pardon the enemies of religious orders, but even smaller and insignificant, we have something to tell.

remember one afternoon in Havana, 1992, when we shared the table of the Hotel Presidente, El Vedado, in English vallejiano, Julio Vélez. Apart from July, was there a longtime compatriot and man of letters. The conversation turned to the issue of the V Centenary of the discovery of America euphemistically called "meeting of two cultures." And I said: What meeting? ... Collision! ... What should we celebrate? July

Velez lost his composure and air of "progressive friend of Cuba." He argued that pre-Hispanic empires had been much or more murderers that the English conquistadors. Under such circumstances, the conquest was the beginning of a long oppression but a liberation of barbarism and civilization company. My compatriot and great poet of "moderate left," said its agreement with Velez. Was even more convincing in his justification of genocide Hispanic. Term brother and I, as simple control of a reconciliation brothel. A few years later, this beloved poet "responsible left", led to official fujimontesinista dictatorship.

In 2008, these lands came Roland Forgues. Introduced in auditoriums and acquitted interviews to show that Jose Carlos Mariategui was "Trotskyist." His interviewers were celebrating the occurrence, and their academic hosts. I decided to hunt down and clear the error. I managed to locate it in the coffee bar Miraflores "Haiti." I sat there, the more fat than before, accompanied by a familiar friend narrator. I approached the table, sat down uninvited and started the controversy. The Forges of smugness was unbearable: he said that he himself had read Mariátegui, as nobody had done before and that very few people would be able to refute. The truth is that Forgues was not intellectually respectable to play Mariátegui, as I said, his reading was epidermal, but my countryman narrator giving support extreme credibility. A foreigner is always right. I pulled out my wallet "Figures and global aspects of life," where the Amauta says: "Trotskyism known theoretical radicalism can not be condensed into specific and concrete ways, in this area, Stalin and most, along with the responsibility of management, have a real sense of the possibilities. " With three or four more appointments, the blunder was destroyed. Forgues broke down and saved my Peruvian colleague bashful silence. Forgues was beating his chest with the palm of his hand saying, "I do understand Mariategui, I Mariátegui nobody discusses."

-Roland, who are you to teach us how to read Mariátegui Peruvians? -. I asked.

But he was pulling a thick wad of cash to pay the beers of the three. And I opposed, "Roland, my beer, I pay it myself. Save your money. "

When we parted, Forgues was upset and my colleague Lima, very nervous, hesitant between right and appropriate. The robust silhouette fading Forgues, our good narrator said in a confidential tone: "Well done, you will not allowed to pay for your drinks, you gave a lesson."

No room for more stories. The fact is that many of our intellectuals are willing to give forth the reason he does not, even against their own convictions and more public, provided a good impression and gain the benefits of their dissent: travel, invitations, lectures, internships , anthologies, publications, all paid the kindness of those who flatter them as unnatural. Opportunism is the currency.

comes to my mind the "thesis" of a notorious and brilliant writer, who prides himself a "communist" and even "Maoist" when he defended before a modest audience of his friendship with the historian Pablo Macera, before and after left unconditional official Fujimori dictatorship. "Hey teacher," I said while many of us were in jail or in exile, his friend gave legitimacy to the dictatorship and was traveling with the tyrant in the presidential plane. " Replied: "You do not know what is being over seventy years old and live in poverty." Le answered with a verse of Benedetti: "One thing is dying in pain and another to die of shame." And say no more ...

Now off MVLL Nobel Prize, the attitude in several hours and centered radicals reasonable today is no different. A Vargas Llosa does not like these double-sided attitudes and has been reported in several papers, for example with the bitter trial that makes Antonio Cornejo Polar and Julio Ramón Ribeyro, in "The fish in the water." With one hand, supposedly denied it. With another, or flattered, supposedly justified "by the circumstances." Not grant the privilege of certainty or will consider neutral MVLL testimonial, because I admire and Cornejo Polar fortiori to Ribeyro, but I want to make clear the position of the author of "History of Mayta."
INDIVISIBLE
THE WRITER IS A Vargas Llosa

not like to divide your work as a creator and his political thought. The same has demanded his son Alvaro to the press: the indivisibility of the subject that makes literature with their ideological convictions. Mariátegui, said: "The spirit of man is indivisible, and I duel this doom, but on the contrary, I recognize a need for wholeness and coherence. I declare that I bring to unscrupulous literary exegesis all my passions and political ideas "(7E). This event coincides beautifully with the theory of the demons of writer Mario Vargas Llosa. Chameleon
reiterate
But one thing is the brilliant writer of novels and another is the right-wing politician. This is an untenable pose. Poets and writers "progressive" courtiers of the Embassy of Cuba and friends of the Casa de las Americas, overlooking Vargas Llosa attacks on Cuba, Nicaragua's Ortega, Chavez's Bolivarian Venezuela and Bolivia's Evo Morales, knowing better than anyone that the contents of his novels, in its second stage, have the same objective anti-progressive, anti-leftist, anti Indian, etc.

Álvaro Vargas Llosa, in the same line of father did not hesitate to insult with "The Perfect Latin American Idiot." I consider this work of Álvaro unjust, made six hands with Apuleius Plinio Mendoza and the militant anti-Castro Alberto Montaner (CIA). Why was not answered by those with the obligation from the same generation that participated in the battle of ideas of the Cold War? ... Antel is the answer in "The fish in the water" of Mario father. Seek and ye shall find. Another species unhealthy

floats in the air: anyone who dares to question the award-winning writer, is labeled, for three decades, as "jealous." MVLL said that Peru is a country where success not forgive. And not without reason, but not all those who question the novelist being contaminated by the deadly sin of envy. Some people have strong convictions, are few, but they are, no matter if it costs the intellectual ostracism and unemployment. The boundary in politics must be objective to be valid. But with a firm hand without fear of being stigmatized with a vulgar epithet that already commonplace.

The last answer, one that belies MVLL between the lines, is that some "progressive" intellectuals can not miss the opportunity to share, minimally, the success of the supposed enemy. How sincere are these "honest" awards?

Vargas Llosa is an organic intellectual of his political cause. Paraphrasing Vallejo contrario: military and writes simultaneously. But if the revolutionary intellectual, according to Vallejo, is one who writes and military simultaneously (See: "Art and Revolution") the left-wing writer must clearly demarcate the other side. Improper concessions to who leads the international reactionary world of thought, we must call it by its name: political chameleon who does not want to miss the delights of the party or look bad to many people who celebrated the victory.

As you said Manuel Gonzales Prada: break the infamous pact talk softly.

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GOAT PARTY AND AWARD NOBEL

Mario Vargas Llosa has won the Nobel Prize for Literature after applying for it for over 30 years. For three decades, right-wing media pages filled complaining because he denied the award for ideological reasons. There were even those who said that the Swedish Academy rewarded only the "red writers." Today the din unleashed by enthusiastic naive I can interpret it as a compensation mechanism in the collective consciousness of a country that does not qualify for either the World Cup and to steal the election. A forgetful and most certainly wanting to celebrate, but is thoughtlessly.

The Nobel Prize is not only a prize for literary virtues. It is rewarding to him the writer who has contributed through a monumental work and excellent quality, the development of human consciousness. It is then not only through literary quality, but also the significance of the work. The what is said is more important how you say. Therefore, the Nobel is not a glorification of the signifier, but of meaning. believe that Vargas Llosa had to win the Nobel in 1971. He had achieved his highest level of production and contributed to a decisive change in Latin American literature. The writer was also critical to revolutionized the narrative structure, leading to their highest levels, the incorporation of literary techniques previously unknown in our tradition fiction. That was his first and brightest stage.

wrote the story book "Heads" in 1959 winning the Award Leopoldo Alas and allowed him to travel to Europe for the first time. His novel "The City and the Dogs" won the Biblioteca Breve Prize in 1962, the International Critics Prize in 1963 and translated into over twenty languages. In 1966 appears his second novel "The Green House" which won the National Critics Award in 1966 and the Rómulo Gallegos Prize in 1967. That same year he published the novella "Puppies" and in 1969 listed its fullest extent literary novel "Conversation in the Cathedral." In 1971 he published a study on the work of his colleague and friend of then "Gabriel García Márquez: Story of a deicide."

Since 1967 his relations with the Cuban revolution into crisis and their ideological convictions, too. That same year, Aideé Santamaría, founder of Casa de las Americas, asked Vargas Llosa donation Rómulo Gallegos prize money to the cause of Ernesto Che Guevara, who was already fighting in Bolivia. The hitherto comrade and brother of revolutionary Cuba refuses, despite Aideé promises to refund the amount so that his gesture celebrates the Che's guerrilla campaign. The split between the author and Casa de las Americas completed an extensive dossier of letters and articles that are showing their personal and subjective process of renunciation of socialism. This process occurs in stages, culminating in 1971 when, after having published the best analysis of the work of García Márquez, getting involved beating ends with the author of "One Hundred Years of Solitude." The penalty was also subjective: Vargas Llosa took from the publishers the right to continue publishing "The Story of a deicide" veto that they have built recently in 2008.

The second stage of involution. There is a decline in their literary virtues can be seen in the production of novels devoid of meaning. Transcendental themes gave way to the banality at the same time that Vargas Llosa expressed his alienation to the social demands of the forgotten and forgot their vocation critical of those in power.

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banality cycle begins with "Pantoja and the Special" (1973), "Aunt Julia and the Scriptwriter" (1977), the plays "La Senorita de Tacna" ( 1981) and "Kathie and the Hippopotamus" (1983). "Pantaleon" is a trivial novel for its theme, made for the comfort of the upper middle class ladies who wanted to read stories of whores. "Aunt Julia" has structural merits are worthy of praise, no doubt, but the story gets bogged down in experiential journalism and love let his aunt and ex-wife. The two nominated plays are brutal wrecks.

this cycle continues with "The War of the End of the World" (1981) making use unscrupulously to the works of Joao Guimaraes Rosas and Euclides da Cunha, why was not well received by the Brazilians. "Mayta History" is a lousy novel which seeks to portray the phenomenon through an interpretation subversive alien to the Peruvian reality. Is looking for a great novel about subversion, dead who promised: Manuel Scorza (Barajas air disaster, 1983). So says Miguel Gutierrez: "History may be that novel Mayta if its author had been able to tame the demons of hatred that motivated him to write it."

then continues with "The Storyteller" (1987), a novel promising until the reader encounters the existential extraliterary confession of its author. And there will come a brutal fiasco: "In Praise of the Stepmother" (1988). "Death in the Andes" (1994) is a download only of his demons of hatred against the Peruvian people. When writing "The Feast of the Goat" (2000), a novel anti-dictatorship over the period of the dictator Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, it was hardly conceivable in a country where the novel about the Trujillo had been the subject of more than 30 literary authors. He said the following: never have done on Somoza in Nicaragua or Pinochet in Chile.

NEW RAVINE AND DEMONS OF GRUDGE

was a trenchant and incisive anti-journalist, far exceeds Eudocio Ravines. Praised Pinochet's economic miracle, he spared no recognition of the dictatorship of Videla in Argentina and began serving the second Belaunde in Peru, presiding over the case Uchuraccay Investigating Committee absolved of blame to the military who ordered the slaughter of eight journalists in the community of Ayacucho. The Israeli state paid their sympathy with Zionism Jerusalem Prize giving. He returned to Peru to captain the right-wing campaign against the nationalization of banks in 1988, it was a prelude to his campaign for the presidency in 1990. The popular vote and seek an alternative candidate believed nisei find an engineer, Alberto Fujimori, who promised not to implement the economic shock, which Vargas Llosa was addicted. So the vote for Fujimori was only one vote against plutocracy that to win the plaza generated a childish reaction to the loser demolished his home in Barranco and opted for English citizenship, saying the error was our nations have become independent of Spain.

clarify that the tantrum was just a symbolic break: English nationality is not exclusive of Peruvian nationality. You can have both. But in context, had another meaning. That meaning can be seen most clearly in his works include: "The fish in water" (1993) and "Death in the Andes" (1994). The first makes a disqualification from Peru's electoral frustration, starting with a parricide against his biological father: "... the real reason for the failed marriage was not jealousy or evil character of my father, but the national disease par excellence, one that infests all levels and families in the country at all leaves a dew poisoning life of Peruvians: resentment and social complex. " The racial problem in Peru was the cause of his defeat. And what had been anticipated on the first page of his novel "The Storyteller" (1988): "I came to Firenze to forget for a while in Peru and the Peruvians and behold, the wretched country came to meet me this morning of the more unexpected. "
Become
organic intellectual of neoliberalism, was applying for the Nobel, but never before was so far to win for the reasons explained.

parricide and SEPULTURA UNFINISHED NARRATIVES OF ANDEAN

In Madrid, 2005, a controversy erupted between Peruvian writers continued in the local media. Vargas Llosa opened the meeting in Madrid celebrating writers finally Peruvian literature was free of Indian status, and social demands neoindigenism. I did not know that 60% of guest writers were Andean. An optimist Caretas editor said, "before the writers were children of José María Arguedas, but now all we are children of Vargas Llosa. " Of course, I went out the front.

Vargas Llosa says in "The Story of a deicide" and reiterated in "The fish in the water," the young writer needs arise through a parricide, the murder of the literary father of the previous generation. This intention, which does not belong to all writers, revealed in his disqualification constant in life and work of José María Arguedas. On August 24, 1977 assumed as a member of the Peruvian Academy of Language and his speech was: "José María Arguedas, including frogs and hawks. For more appreciative that it was the form, content points to a single purpose: Arguedas fictionalizes a saw that does not exist. The lie became a reality thanks to the literature. This disqualification match the trial that a group of intellectuals made Arguedas in his last year of life. The author of "All the blood," wrote two documents on behalf of its credibility: "I have lived in vain?" And "I'm not acculturated." Already

"The fish in water", p. 345, Vargas Llosa makes the full download: "Ever since I hate the word" earthy ", wielded by many writers and critics of the time as the highest literary virtue and obligation of all Peruvian writer. Being quake meant to write a literature with roots in the land, natural scenery and Andean customs and preferences, and denounce the gamonalismo and feudalism of the mountains, the jungle or the coast, with gruesome stories of "misti" (white) that Estrup peasant who stole drunk authorities and fanatical priests who preached resignation to the Indians. "(...)" The word became earthy for me the emblem of provincialism and underdevelopment in the field of literature ... "(...)" ... such contempt for the way folk ... ".

In "The archaic utopia, José María Arguedas and the fictions of Indianism" (1996), from the label states the intention of the gravedigger who showed in his speech in Madrid, 2005. This article aims at a comprehensive analysis of this critical work. We have only a quote: "This does not mean that the Peruvian writers stop writing about topics or disappear Andean Indians in the Peruvian literature. (...) The exceptions-there-are of little literary significance, and so far at least, are there just to confirm the rule. " (P.175)

In a historical context of major clashes between farming communities and mining companies, with the death toll of Bagua, which includes the Amazonian nations, continues to occur literature that seeks to bury Vargas Llosa. And there is "little literary significance." Not to list a long list of writers who are not "exceptions", I reduce the commentary to the narrative of Socrates successful career Zuzunaga Huaita, Ayacucho Quechua-speaking, COPE winner before winning novel and Novel Prize Quechua of the UNFV. I say well: among others ...

A TABLET AND A HUGE ELEGANT COMMON GRAVE

"archaic Utopia" is an elegant stone to bury José María Arguedas, recognizing and commending virtues merit, but sentenced the validity and credibility as a witness to the struggles "the bottom." The only praise can surprise the unwary, but not to those who read this essay in response to their objective.

The novel of revenge for the electoral failure of 1990 was "Death in the Andes" (1994). If anything, Vargas blamed the Indian literature or telluric, was to have imposed a fiction that did not correspond with reality. But he has this flaw to its highest falsehoods on "Lituma." The Andean people is represented in a barbaric Lombrosian coarser unprovable by observation. Fictionalizes not literally the world of the poor, but that caricature. Unknown even basic details cultural manifestations of the Andean world, but he has not invented horrors. This novel, written with all the demons of hatred that Miguel Gutierrez stated value "Mayta History" (1985), is a huge mass grave in which it intends to bury alive 'uncivilized' that did not get the vote in 1990.

The real mass graves where hundreds of villagers were buried during the bloody Andean counter-insurgency campaign (1980-2000), not in its narrative. As the current Peruvian president, are third-class citizens. We understand your concern about the Museum of Memory and his resignation, to then fall into the hands of one of its most enthusiastic followers, as a tribute to his third stage: that of looking to win the Nobel Prize in the winter of its existence. Based on this objective interpret its reformulation of the Palestinian problem and later criticized the Zionist genocide. The Nobel could not be reached without amending the curriculum that distanced him from the defense of human rights and specifically approached right-wing dictatorships and pseudo democracies under which continue to perpetrate crimes against humanity.

In that sense, this is an opera buffa. For 30 years he ran for the Nobel and not get it, conservative institutions and right-wing press tried to compensate with prizes and awards to support high the prestige of a notorious spokesman of big business and transnational corporations. Now get the top prize, just when not needed. Andrés Avelino Cáceres and must have died in the campaign of Brena, not to be remembered for the bad government that did, Mario Vargas Llosa should have won the Nobel in 1971, at the height of his literary career, not their decline.